Showing posts with label English. Show all posts
Showing posts with label English. Show all posts

Indo-Nepal Human Trafficking Post Earthquake Perspective; Concerns and Challenges

As Nepal begins to recover from its deadliest disaster, the country’s youngest survivors are now at a higher risk for another calamity of getting sucked into the human trafficking trade. The two earthquakes that rocked Nepal on April 25 and May 12, 2015 killed over 8,500 people and caused extensive loss to swathes of countryside in Bihar, Uttar Pradesh, and Bengal that borders Nepal.1 According to the Nepal government, the tiny Himalayan country stares at losses estimated at about 10 billion US dollar— nearly half of its gross domestic product of 19.64 billion US dollar.2 The United Nations estimates that 2.8 million people have been displaced after the earthquake and its aftershocks flattened their homes.3 Women have been disproportionately affected by disasters and the social breakdown that accompanies calamities has made them vulnerable to sexual abuse. Children need more than just material and physical relief after such an event. Confronted with scenes of destruction and death, many children have developed post-traumatic stress disorder. Left untreated, they could be prone to lasting psychological damage and emotional distress.

Human trafficking is reportedly rising post earthquake along the India-Nepal border and unsuspecting Nepalese minors are being sold in various big cities of India under the pretext of providing jobs.4 Traffickers often pose as recruiters, offering non-existent jobs to desperate young women and girls, whose plight has become worse after the earthquake. Where promise of jobs doesn’t work, fake marriage proposals are floated to entice young girls and their parents and ultimately force them in the flesh trade.5 Children who lost their parents and children of parents who have lost their jobs in the disasters are prone to this bait of traffickers. Similar fears reportedly came true after the 2013 floods in Uttarakhand and to date there are no reports on what happened to those children who lost their families.6 Several internal human trafficking cases were reported after natural tragedies in recent years, including the 2001 Bhuj earthquake, the 2004 tsunami and the 2008 Kosi floods.7

Increased Risks of Trafficking
Around 15,000 girls from Nepal are trafficked for sex trade in Asian countries each year, according to a UN estimate. Violence against women is also a real and present danger. The United Nations Population Fund (UNFP) claims that more than 28,000 women may be at risk of gender-based violence in the aftermath of the earthquake.8 There are now fears that camps for those displaced by the earthquake are being targeted.
The problem of trafficking is sadly not new in Nepal. A UNICEF report found the number of women and children trafficked in year 2014 had risen by 60 per cent, compared to the previous year.9 US Department of State has classified Nepal as a Tier 2 country, meaning the government does not fully comply with the minimum standards of Trafficking Victims Protection Act’s (TVPA) but is making significant efforts to do so.10 The Nepal Government had banned children below 16 years of age from travelling outside their home district without a parent or other adult approved by the district child welfare board in May 2015.11 However, its impact is doubtful particularly when the traffickers are mostly known and are in relation to the victims.

Risk of Child Marriage after Nepal Quake
The massive earthquake in Nepal has also raises chances of spurt in child marriages as a disguise for the trafficking. According to CREHPA, a Nepalese group, which campaigns against child marriage, since there is risk of sexual assault on girls living in tents in Kathmandu after the quake, the families would be encouraged to marry off their daughters.12 Girls also may be married off because their parents have been killed, their families can no longer afford to keep them in school or because their schools were destroyed.More than 200 schools have been destroyed.13 Nepal already has a high level of child marriage with one in 10 girls married by the age of 15 and four in 10 before their 18th birthday, according to UN estimates. The rate is particularly high (75 percent) in the southern Terai region bordering India. Child marriage in Nepal is driven mostly by poverty and parents’ desire to protect girls but is aggravated by the dowry system. The older a girl gets the more dowry parents have to pay for her. Poor families marry off girls young so they don’t have to pay a high dowry.14

Cross Border Scenario
The border between India and Nepal is 1,088 miles (1,751Km) long and only lightly patrolled.15 The mountainous portions of the Indo-Nepal boundary lie in Sikkim State and Darjeeling district of West Bengal in the east, while rest of the boundary runs along the plains in the south and along the Mahakali River in the west.  Three India states namely Uttarakhand, Uttar Pradesh and Bihar share the porous boundary in plains. Nepal-India border is unique in the world in the sense that people of both the countries can cross it from any point, despite the existence of border check posts at several locations. There are 22 check posts meant for carrying out bilateral trade. As the entire length of the border except the check posts is largely unmanned by police or paramilitary or military forces of either country, illegal movement of goods and people is common feature on both sides of the India-Nepal border.16 Nepali women and girls are subjected to sex trafficking in Nepal, India, the Middle East, China, Malaysia, Hong Kong, South Korea, and Sweden. Nepali men, women, and children are subjected to forced labor in Nepal, India, the Middle East, China, Malaysia, South Korea, Israel, and the United States in construction.17

South Asia, with India at its centre, is the fastest-growing and second-largest region for human trafficking in the world, after East Asia, according to the United Nations Office for Drugs and Crime (UNODC). Over 1.5 Lakh people are known to be trafficked with in South Asia every year, but the trade is conducted underground and the real figure is likely to be much higher.18  Thousands of young girls are trafficked in India alone, including many from Nepal, and sold into forced marriage, bonded work as a prostitute or as a maid or paid for their organs.

It is not an easy task to watch over and control thousand kilometre open border between Nepal and India. Though police posts are established at limited and important entry points for border security, policing the entire border is out of question. There are many roads that can be used to avoid the police posts at the entry points.  However, trafficking also takes place with impunity at the places where police posts already exist. The traffickers take advantage of disorganized open border and traffic thousands of girls into India. Being brought over through overland routes, girls are being trafficked through aerial route to India. Nepal prohibits women under age 30 migrating to Gulf countries for domestic work, the traffickers have started to take these women to India by road and then sent to various Gulf countries by air.

Human trafficking across the Indo-Nepal border is a serious concern. Estimates of Nepalese being trafficked into India vary from one to two lakh.19 Human Rights Watch (2005) estimated that 6,000-10,000 Nepalese are trafficked into India annually. 70 percent of trafficked victims, most of them under 16, come from ethnic minority groups (e.g., Tamang, Gurung, Magar and Sherpa) who live in remote mountain villages or poor border communities. Trafficked victims are sold to brokers for amounts as small as Nepali Rs. 200 who then deliver them to Indian brothels for amounts ranging from Rs. 16 to 40 thousand. India is also a transit country for Nepalese and Bangladeshi women trafficked to Pakistan, Western Asia, and the Middle East and for women trafficked from the Russian Federation to Thailand.20

Current Scenario at Indo Nepal Border
As per UNICEF, at least 245 children have been intercepted from being trafficked and unnecessarily or illegally placed in children’s care homes since the first earthquake hit Nepal almost two months ago.21 The recent spike in migration from Nepal to Indian states bordering the Himalayan country is suspected to be the outcome of human trafficking. Large number of trafficked girls and children from Nepal were rescued in Delhi airport while fleeing to Dubai.22 According to the Sashastra Seema Bal (SSB), mandated to guard Indo-Nepal frontier and collect intelligence on suspicious activities, a large number of victims were stopped along the Raxaul and Jogbani border in Bihar, Rupaidiha and Maharajganj in Uttar Pradesh and Jhulaghat in Uttarakhand. 

Trafficking incidents started to rise within a week after the quake. In Bihar the situation worsened after the earthquakes. The Indo-Nepal border at Raxaul has become a vulnerable point in the present situation as just everyone wants to flee Nepal right now. This has increased risks of the fleeing population of quake victims falling into the nets of human trafficking. Close to one lakh Indian nationals have returned from Nepal through the India-Nepal border post at Raxaul in a month after earthquake. The workers from poor villages in Bihar who were laid off after the earthquake were lured by traffickers and were convinced to allow their children, between the ages of 8-14, to travel with the traffickers, who promised to give them well-paid jobs in comfortable conditions. Some of these children (28) were rescued in May this year from a garment factory in Ludhiana. They were being paid around 150 rupees a week to stitch T-shirts. The Nepalese children had come to India around two weeks before the earthquake.23 Authorities in Bihar had also rescued around 20 children from a Mumbai-bound express train at Raxaul railway station on May 23rd.24 According to media report SSB officials said that arrested trafficker revealed during interrogation that parents of some of the rescued children were working as labourers in Nepal but after the Nepal disaster, they became jobless and vulnerable to the lure of money and persuasive powers of middlemen engaged by the trafficking racket. SSB had rescued over 250 children and women from trafficking gangs since 2013. All border out posts of the SSB have been sounded alert to keep an eye open for human traffickers after the Nepal quake.25

 In Uttar Pradesh in the last one and half months, over 500 boys and girls from Nepal have been brought to India by human traffickers on this side of Indo-Nepal border and were sent to  Delhi and Mumbai. Maximum trafficking has been done from Bahraich which has 110 km of open border between Uttar Pradesh and Nepal. These human traffickers were almost dormant for the last three years because of the vigilant central and state intelligence agencies but returned to business after April 25 earthquakes in Nepal.26 

Sudden spurt in migration to Uttarakhand presents heightened risk of trafficking. Major transit points in Uttarakhand are Banbasa, Dharchula and Jhulaghat. According to the Uttarakhand Police, the anti-human trafficking cells have been opened to check the trafficking, which increased after the devastating earthquake that hit the country last month. Banbasa police (Champawat district) has also activated its anti-human trafficking cell and regularly runs an awareness campaign at Banbasa border post with Nepal.27

Gaps in policy framework
India’s human trafficking laws and efforts have historically focused nearly exclusively on trafficking for sexual exploitation purposes despite the fact that the majority of human trafficking in India is for the purpose of forced labour. India’s laws do not explicitly recognize and penalize all forms of trafficking to the extent required by the UN Trafficking Protocol. The definition of human trafficking contained in the now-amended Section 370 of the Indian Penal Code excludes forced labour from its definition. As a result, such conduct is not covered by Section 370’s trafficking prohibition. Other existing laws on forced labour in India do not adequately address the intricate problems involved in the trafficking of persons for the purpose of labour. Furthermore, the Amendment Act reformed Section 370 to punish those who engage victims of sex trafficking, yet it did not similarly criminalize the acts of those who engage victims of labour trafficking.28

India is also confronting with challenges to rehabilitate the trafficked victim. There is lack of adequate policy and institutional framework to provide an effective system for the safety, recovery and compensation of human trafficking victims as required by the UN Trafficking Protocol. Compensation systems are necessary to provide trafficking victims with the economic resources and protection to avoid being re-trafficked, the financial resources to afford psychological recovery services, and the means to reintegrate into society. Rehabilitations schemes mostly focus on sex trafficking and not trafficking for other purposes like labour.
Weak enforcement machinery and inordinate delay in justice delivery helps the traffickers to recruit or re-traffic women and children from the districts and send them to distant destinations with relative easily. Rare conviction of the real traffickers  encourages the operators of the trade to continue the lucrative trade and earn huge margins without any investment. Moreover, unwillingness of the victims to seek legal redress due to absence of support from the police and the community members is also contributing to the spread of this crime.29
The Immoral Traffic (Prevention) Act, 1956 (ITPA), is the most important legislative instrument for the prevention and combat of trafficking in human beings in India. However, till date, its key object has been to prevent traffic in women and girls with the intention to force them into prostitution. The provisions of ITPA criminalize the persons who procure, traffic and profit from the trade but fail to provide a clear definition of ‘trafficking’ per se in human beings. However, the Act has been criticized on various accounts. It provides a measly amount of Rs. 20,000 as compensation to the victim. This meager amount act as neither a deterrent nor it provides for rehabilitation of the victim. There is a grave danger of the rescued persons falling back into the traps of the traffickers. Also, the punishment provided to the trafficker under Section 3 of the Act is only three years. Such punishment does not act as a deterrent to offenders. There have been very few instances of conviction under the Act indicating its failure in curbing trafficking. The Act only criminalizes trafficking but ignores other aspects of trafficking.30

Nepal prohibits many, but not all, forms of trafficking in persons through the 2007 Human Trafficking Transportation (Control) Act and the 2008 regulation. While the HTTCA criminalizes slavery, bonded labor, and the buying and selling of a person, it does not criminalize the recruitment, transportation, harboring, or receipt of persons by force, fraud, or coercion for the purpose of forced labor. It criminalizes forced prostitution but in a departure from the 2000 UN Trafficking Protocol does not consider the prostitution of children as a form of trafficking absent force, fraud, or coercion. The law also criminalizes facilitating prostitution and removal of human organs. Prescribed penalties range from 10 to 20 years’ imprisonment, which are sufficiently stringent and commensurate with those prescribed for other serious crimes, such as rape.31

Challenges in Indo-Nepal Cross Border Trafficking
India and Nepal, tier 2 countries according to US Department of States, are source, destination, and transit country for human trafficking. The poor compliance with international protocol and domestic laws coupled with weak enforcement machinery, inordinate delay in justice delivery and low conviction rates encourage the traffickers to continue the lucrative trades in both countries. With a business of 32 billion US Dollar annually, human trafficking emerged as a fastest growing criminal industry worldwide. Open and porous borders within the region have eased trade, but they also pose a challenge in detecting, identifying and reporting incidents of human trafficking. The effective mechanism to share the information is crucial to effective and timely rescue. Cross-border human trafficking brings with it the additional challenge in repatriating the victims. On numerous occasions, victims are rescued, but due to lengthy legal and bureaucratic procedures it can take years for the victim to be repatriated to their home country.32 India currently does not comply with the UN Trafficking Protocol’s recommendations for migration issues arising from the trafficking of persons. Cross-national victims of human trafficking are treated as violators and not as victims.33

Identification of traffickers and the trafficked victim is one of the toughest tasks in case of Indo-Nepal trafficking. Traffickers are usually known to the victims and identify themselves as their family member. Traffickers often manage voter’s identity card on both sides of boundary and easily camouflage them as citizens. Often traffickers have no idea whom he/she is going to hand over the victim.34

Way Forward 
Social inclusion and re-integration are the most important part of the whole system to prevent trafficking. Social inclusion should be seen not only as a way to prevent further victimization of the trafficked person, but also as a preventive measure against re-trafficking. It is, therefore, special focus is needed on social inclusion of trafficked person. The trafficked victim must have access to financial services and social security schemes. Providing financial support and making them economically independent are important for financial inclusion. Access to legal services and legal aid are denied to the trafficked victims. SOPs and protocols are not often followed in rescue operation, investigation and home verifications. It results in re-victimization of trafficked persons.  SOPs are usually in the form of Central advisory to the State Governments which are not implemented. SOPs are not notified by State Governments. Ministry of Home Affairs 2009 directives to use SOPs is nonbinding to state officials. There is need to adhere strictly with uniform Standard Operating Procedure and protocols.

References:


1.     http://www.hindustantimes.com/india-news/rescue-of-children-from-india-nepal-border-confirms-post-earthquake-trafficking-fears/article1-1350798.aspx
2.     http://data.worldbank.org/country/nepal
3.     http://qz.com/431350/10-charts-that-capture-how-nepal-is-struggling-to-survive-after-the-earthquake/
4.     http://indiatoday.intoday.in/story/nepal-earthquake-sex-traffickers-india-nepal-border/1/445525.html
5.     http://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/asia/women-and-children-in-nepal-at-risk-of-sex-trafficking-after-earthquake-campaigners-warn-10238306.html
6.     http://www.hindustantimes.com/india-news/rescue-of-children-from-india-nepal-border-confirms-post-earthquake-trafficking-fears/article1-1350798.aspx
7.     http://www.livemint.com/Politics/pH6yeE2kKjiesjnpTOuIJK/States-bordering-Nepal-looking-to-curb-human-trafficking-pos.html
8.     http://www.ekantipur.com/2015/05/29/top-story/quake-increased-human-trafficking-risk-maiti-nepal/405866.html
9.     http://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/asia/women-and-children-in-nepal-at-risk-of-sex-trafficking-after-earthquake-camp
10.  http://www.state.gov/j/tip/rls/tiprpt/2014/226649.htm
11.  http://www.firstpost.com/world/nepal-earthquake-237-rescued-children-go-missing-raising-concerns-of-trafficking-2302026.html
12.  http://in.reuters.com/article/2015/05/19/quake-nepal-childmarriage-idINKBN0O428F20150519
13.  http://www.firstpost.com/world/nepal-earthquake-237-rescued-children-go-missing-raising-concerns-of-trafficking-2302026.html
14.  http://www.trust.org/item/20150519172258-npr6/?source=fiOtherNews3
15.  http://www.theguardian.com/world/2015/may/25/india-rescues-children-traffickers-exploiting-nepal-earthquake-aftermath
16.  http://www.nepaldemocracy.org/documents/treaties_agreements/nep_india_open_border.htm
17.  Trafficking in Person Report 2014 accessed on  http://nepal.usembassy.gov/recent-reports-on-nepal2/2014-trafficking-in-persons-report.html
18.  http://in.reuters.com/article/2013/07/05/uttarakhand-floods-women-children-traffi-idINDEE96402V20130705
19.  Mukherji KK, Muherjee S. Girls and women in prostitution in India. Department of Women and Child Development, New Delhi, India; 2007.
20.  http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC2569945/
21.  http://www.unicef.org/media/media_82328.html
22.  http://northgazette.com/news/2015/07/29/cops-bust-human-trafficking-racket-delhi-airport-21-nepalese-girls-rescued/
23.  http://www.theguardian.com/world/2015/may/25/india-rescues-children-traffickers-exploiting-nepal-earthquake-aftermath
24.  http://www.hindustantimes.com/india-news/rescue-of-children-from-india-nepal-border-confirms-post-earthquake-trafficking-fears/article1-1350798.aspx
25.  Ibid 17
26.  http://indiatoday.intoday.in/story/nepal-earthquake-sex-traffickers-india-nepal-border/1/445525.html
27.  http://www.tribuneindia.com/news/uttarakhand/special-unit-to-check-human-trafficking/88653.html
28.  India’s Human Trafficking Laws and Policies and the UN Trafficking Protocol: Achieving Clarity, Policy Brief Feb 2015  by Dipika Jain,Jindal Global Law Schol, Sital Kalantry , University of Chicago Law School, Elezabeth Brundige, Cornell Law School  
29.  Human Trafficking in India: A Study by R.H. Waghamode , J. L. Kalyan and S. S. Angadi published in a international journal- Research Direction ,Vol 1 Issue VII Jan 2014
30.  Combating Human Trafficking: A Legal Perspective with Special Reference to India by Eira Mishra
31.  Trafficking in Person Report 2014 by US Department of State
32.  https://www.unodc.org/southasia//frontpage/2014/July/south-asia_-unodc-initiates-regional-cooperation-projects-to-address-human-trafficking-across-borders.html
33.  India’s Human Trafficking Laws and Policies and the UN Trafficking Protocol: Achieving Clarity, Policy Brief Feb 2015  by Dipika Jain,Jindal Global Law Schol, Sital Kalantry , University of Chicago Law School, Elezabeth Brundige, Cornell Law School  
34.  JA Arya Sub Area organizer SSB, Banbasa addressing the consultation on cross Border Trafficking organized PAIRVI on 22nd June 2015



Domicile Policy of Jharkhand; More Political than Legal Debate



Jharkhand has been witnessing the one of the most central debates since its inception over a decade and half. The debate over the domicile policy of Jharkhand has its roots since the struggle for a separate state which is deeply rooted with social fabrics of the state. It escalates the social divide of insiders and outsiders in the state. The first Chief Minister of Jharkhand, Babu Lal Marandi, during the National Democratic Alliance’s (NDA) rule, in September 2001, introduced the state’s domicile policy. The state, then, turned into turmoil and he had to resign in its aftermath.  Since then every government in power tried to introduce the domicile policy but due to lack of political consensus couldn’t succeed. With new BJP government in power the issue has resurfaced once again. Chief Minister, Raghubar Das had started consultation process with different stakeholders in the state including political parties, experts, activists and civil society organizations. The CM assured to ensure the policy in place within couple of months. Jharkhand, Chhattisgarh and Uttarakhand were made by respective state reorganization acts.  They are identical to each other and got no reference for a domicile policy. The state's policy related to domicile status is a policy matter and heavily influenced by local politics. 

Issues of controversy
The recent debate arises out of the cutoff date for being the permanent resident of the state.  In 2001, during the National Democratic Alliance’s (NDA) rule, the state’s domicile policy held that only tribals holding land records of 1932 would be considered as permanent resident of Jharkhand and would be given preference in government jobs. It was challenged in and was struck down by the Jharkhand High Court in 2002. The idea of domicile based on land records is problematic and counterproductive. It does not incorporate the landless population and many tribal groups such as the Pahariyas of the Rajmahal hills who do not own land. Others will also lose their domicile considering the absence of land records and landownership. Different political parties suggest different criteria. The Jharkhand Dishom Party insists on local language and residence in the state for a long time while Jharkhand Bachao Andolan suggested that name in census of 1952 should be given the preference. While some suggests the date of inception of state as the cutoff date for domicile while other argued that at least 15 years before the creation of state should be the minimum cutoff date.

Social divide
The divide between insiders and outsiders and the criteria which makes one an insider or an outsider is the crux of the controversy.  Jharkhand is considered to be the residence of local indigenous tribal people. They are claimed to be the original inhabitants and believed as moolvaasi of Jharkhand.  Tribal led the Jharkhand movement. Over centuries, 'outsiders' have oppressed the native population. In the last two centuries, the exploitation of mineral, forest and human resources of the region have com-pounded the oppression. The immense mineral wealth of Jharkhand has been used by outsiders without adequate compensation to the people of the region.[1] The proponent of the internal colonialism argued that internal migration in the background of unequal development created the problem of internal colonialism which is clearly manifested in Jharkhand. [2] Founder of Jharkhand Movement Jaipal Singh, throughout his life maintained that tribe-non-tribe division was a census manipulation and 90 percent of the people of Jharkhand would be adivasis. Tribals have been historically oppressed and denied their rights. Outsiders have been usurping the job opportunities for long time.  When major industries were built in Jharkhand large number of outsiders primarily from north Bihar received jobs. Though they too were from the same state, the neighboring locals were overlooked. Out of a total of 4,284 employees in the Heavy Engineering Corporation, at Ranchi, there were only 335 tribals (Sharma 1990: 285).When in 1971 coal mines were nationalized and job conditions were sure to improve, in a single week thousands of telegrams were sent from Dhanbad district to Ara, Balia, and  Chhapra informing that jobs were available. It was believed that 50, 000 Jharkhandis lost their jobs at this point of time[3]. Tribal must be given their due to cope with historical injustice and discrimination.
There is another view also. Proponent of constructivist model contrary argued that tribal-non-tribal dichotomy is unreal and Jharkhand society is non-homogenous and dynamic. More than 70 percent of the people living in the Jharkhand are outsiders considering that tribal population constitutes 26.2 percent of its population according to the Census 2011. Well before the coal mines came up in Jharkhand in early 20th century non tribal families had migrated to the Jharkhand. Moving to India during Partition in 1947, about 2,000 Hindu and Sikh families had settled in Jharkhand.[4] According to the 1961 Census in Jharkhand, the number of Bhojpuri and Maithili speaking people were 1, 13,000 and 16,000, respectively[5]. In the 19th century when Jharkhand was a part of Bengal large number of Bengali speaking had migrated to the Jharkhand. Demography of Jharkhand, thus, makes the state dynamic and insider and outsider divide unreal.

Legal provisions
The concept denotes "the place of living", or more precisely a permanent residence. Domicile "is the legal relationship between an individual and a territory with a distinctive legal system which invokes that system as his personal law." Although the notion which lies behind the concept of domicile is of "permanent residence" or a "permanent home", yet domicile is primarily a legal concept for the purposes of determining what is the "personal law" applicable to an individual and therefore, even if an individual has no permanent residence or permanent home, even then he is invested with a "domicile" albeit by law or implication of law[6]

There are three main categories or classes of domicile, A) Domicile of Origin, B) Domicile of Choice, C) Domicile by law. The "domicile of origin" is what is attached to person by birth whereas the domicile of choice is what is acquired by residence in a territory subject to a distinctive legal system with the intention to reside there permanently or indefinitely. The third category of domicile would be "Domicile by operation of law". Uttarakhand High Court in Naina Saini case in 2010 revisited the law relating to domicile of a person to declare that there is no separate domicile for each State and there is only one domicile for the entire country.  Earlier in Pradeep Jain case in 1984 Supreme Court declared that Article 5 of the Constitution is clear and explicit on this point and it refers only to one domicile, namely, "domicile in the territory of India.[7] Jharkhand state was formed in November 2000. The new government reasoned that the 1982 Circular of Bihar government was still in force in Jharkhand and they need not formulate another domicile policy for initiating affirmative action. Its notification was reissued in September 2001 changing the state name which defines a local person on the basis of the last survey of the land record and they would be given preference in class 3 and 4 government jobs. This notification was challenged in Jharkhand High Court and in famous Prashant Vidyarth case in 2002 the High Court unanimously struck down the notification of the Jharkhand government — adopted from a Bihar government circular. —The five-judge bench said that the definition of a local resident should not be the length of time he has lived in the state but preference in jobs should also be given to those who held similar qualifications. [8] High Court made it clear that under certain provisions of the Constitution affirmative action, even on the basis of residence, is allowed. The bench rejected the Jharkhand government orders because of several technical lacunae, particularly in the definition of the term “local resident”. [9]

While in August 2012, the Nainital High Court had declared that the legitimate cut-off date should be the date of formation of the new state; any person living in Uttarakhand since the day when the state was formed was entitled to get domicile certificate. The order was challenged and on 25 May 2013 a judicial bench of the high court changed the cut-off date to 1985, exactly 15 years before the date of formation of the state. In the appeal that followed in March 2014, the Supreme Court upheld this decision of the judicial bench, thus creating a landmark judgment for domicile policy within India. Drawing distinction between simple and permanent residence, the courts mandated 15 years previous to state formation as another requirement for getting domicile status. These judgments of Ranchi and Nainital high courts and the Supreme Court dispel the popular notion that local domicile concept is fallacious in India because every citizen has the right to move freely, reside, and settle in any part of the country but  domicile status can be used to grant a privilege only if there is some justifiable context.[10].

Way forward
It is clear from the fact that tribal in the state have been facing the historical discrimination and in justice. They must be given their due. Jharkhand is a multi-cultural dynamic society. The non-tribal residents constitutes the nearly three-fourth of the state and they have also contributed equally in the development of the state. Citizenship and local domicile status are two different things. The domicile status is meant to provide the affirmative action for local resident particularly in government jobs etc. Domicile policy must be designed to give the preferences for tribals but at the same time it should not be exclusionary in nature. The cutoff date for being the permanent resident of the state should be inclusive in nature so that it can assimilate the heterogeneous character of the state.  The people living from decade and more shouldn’t be deprived off their rights. Domicile issue has created a divide among the society. Who is the original resident of Jharkhand is quite a difficult question. Since Jharkhand was part of Bihar, large numbers of people from Bihar have migrated to the different part of Jharkhand in search of livelihood. Migration was the means to generate the livelihood. Prior to the nationalization of coal field tribal were reluctant to work in coal filed and had migrated to the Assam. Resident of Bihar particularly from Ara and Shahabad had migrated as indentured labour but resident of Jharkhand didn’t move up. Santhal have originally migrated from West Bengal and Mahatos came from Bihar to counter the Pahariyas of Rajmahal.[11]  The non-tribal residents of Jharkhand have contributed to building up of the state and they are also living in dismal condition.  Their situations must be looked into.  Domicile policy and employment policy are two separate things and should be defined separately. Considering the historical discrimination and deprivation, affirmative action should be taken in favour of tribals even on the ground of residence and they must be given preference and privilege in government jobs particularly in class three and four groups. However, domicile policy should be transparent, measurable, and inclusive rather than exclusionary in nature. The cutoff date should not be arbitrary and must be stand with judicial scrutiny.


[1]  Jharkhand Aborted Once Again – Arvind N Dan, EPW 7 November 1998.
[2] A. K. Roy, Jharkhand: Internal Colonialism,  Ram Dayal Munda and S. Bosu Mullick (eds.), Jharkhand Movement: Indigenous Peoples,  Struggle for Autonomy in India, Copenhagen/Jharkhand: IWGIA and BIRSA, 2003, pp. 79-85
[3] Through the looking glass; Domicile Debate of Jharkhand By  Nirmala Sengupta,  EPW November 7 2014 
[4] Ibid 3
[5] Ibid3
[6] http://legalperspectives.blogspot.in/2010/08/only-one-domicile-for-entire-india-high.html
[7] http://legalperspectives.blogspot.in/2010/08/only-one-domicile-for-entire-india-high.html
[8] http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/patna/Jharkhand-domicile-order-set-aside/articleshow/29610427.cms
[9] Through the looking glass; Domicile Debate of Jharkhand By  Nirmala Sengupta,  EPW November 7 2014 
[10] Ibid9
[11] Prof Harishwar Dayal , Indian Institute of Human Development, speech in a discussion on Domicile Policy of Jharkhand organized by PAIRVI at Ranchi on 28th April 2015

Plight of farmers of Jamui, a south-east district of Bihar negates the all-inclusive development theory


Bihar is growing faster. The state government is portraying the growth trajectory stiff northward. The provisional data released by Central Statistical Organization shows 9.48 percent growth in Gross State Domestic Product for year 2012-13. The ambitious agriculture road map of Bihar, first of its kind in the country, aims at raising agriculture growth of 7 percent per year and targeted to invest Rs1. 52 lakh crore over the period of year 2012-17 in the State. Much touted Bihar Model of Development is being projected as inclusive and pervasive. Reportedly, a farmer of Nalanda district, constituency of the Chief Minister, toppled the father of rice from top position in production of rice per hectare. Sumant Kumar, a farmer of Darveshpura Village in Nalanda district has astonishing record production of rice, 22.4 tonnes on one hectare of land. It beats the 19.4 tonnes achieved by father of rice, the Chinese agricultural scientist Yuan Longping. But, there is other way round also. Reality isn’t entirely like Darveshpura in all over the Bihar, rather different and alarming in certain regions. Villages at bordering area of Bihar and Jharkhand in Jamui district tell a different story.
After visiting couples village in Jamui district located at bordering area of Bihar and Jharkhand, it was observed that farmers, particularly small and marginal farmers, are leaving agriculture and are resorting to manual labour or migrating towards the city areas to sustain their livelihoods. In most of the houses only women and old persons are residing. Rainfall being sole source of irrigation in the area, most of the agricultural land was barren and transplanting of wheat could not be possible in larger parts of these villages. Jamui used to be the constituency of Agriculture Minister of Bihar Shri Narendra Singh.  This area of south Bihar which comes under Zone III agro-climatic zone witnessed 56 percent depreciation in rainfall and mere 36 percent net sowing of paddy crops. Harvesting and threshing of wheat is going on in rest of the state but in these villages one can hardly witness it. The dry, deserted, and cracked land is noticeable in the area.  If rainfall wouldn’t be adequate this year it will led to greater consequences as drought like condition is already prevailing in the area. As per official data only 58.49 percent area of the district is cultivable and Chakai having mere 40.43 percent cultivable area is at the bottom in list of 10 blocks of the district. Most part of the district has hilly topography. The soil pattern of the district differs widely due to topography of the region. Important soil is sandy soils and alluvial soil of heavy texture having natural or alkaline reaction. Jhajha, Khaira, Sono, Chakai and Laxmipur block contain forest soil.  
Reiterating the plight of farmers in the area Mohammad Sarfuddin Ali, a farmer of Balkod village in Chakai block, said that agriculture is primarily dependent on rain water. Local water bodies have dried up. He, however, said that wells being constructed are by and large insufficient and ineffective to irrigate the entire land of the village. Wells are useful for limited area only. It is worth mentioning here that these wells were being constructed under MGNREGA but residents of the village allege that instead of using manual labour JCB machines were used, which is against the MGNREGA guidelines. Though it is very common practices in the area as being stated by villagers, it has caused resentment among the common masses because it has denied their wages. In this village well is the only source of drinking water posing threat to health and hygiene of the people. There isn’t a single hand-pump in the village. Anjani Devi, a woman farmer of Balkod said that people were utterly dependent on the well which is lifeline of the village.



Blaming the erratic weather condition and rise in temperature for their plights residents of the village asserted that in 2011 there was heavy downpour in the area and the last year witnessed high depreciation in the rainfall. Both the conditions went against the farmers. Sandy soil in slope land diminishes the water retaining capacity of the land in the area. “Heavy rainfall in 2011 in last two months of the rainy season also caused loss of crops in the area,”said Mohammad Islam Ansari of Gorsoti village. “Rainfall during fruiting damaged the crops and made the crops grain less” he added.
Farmers are largely dependant on hybrid seeds and chemical fertilizers and pesticides. Local traditional seeds are entirely out of practice and not a single farmer bothers to conserve it.  They argue “hybrid seeds are more fecund than traditional seeds, while former yields 80 Kg per Kathha later reduces to 20 Kg only.” However, using hybrid seeds has its own complications. They shared that while traditional seeds were less susceptible to pests, weeds and grains usually come out from every shoot; hybrid seed is a different story. They explained grain-less shoots are common in hybrid paddy crops and yielding capacity of hybrid seeds also is not as claimed by the government. Government claims that one Kg of hybrid seed can yield up to 6-7 Quintals but in fact the yields are reduced to 2 Quintals only.
When asked about practice of SRI (System of Rice Intensification) method for growing paddy crops, most of the villager denied from practicing it. As transplanting the saplings of paddy crops is essential within 14 days, it is not possible in the area due depreciation in rainfall. The much hyped SRI method of growing rice has become ineffective in the area due to lack of proper irrigation system. They also claimed that this is a labor intensive practice which is difficult for us as people particularly young males are migrating towards the city area. Here, concept of organic farming has reduced to limited use of vermicompost only as couple of farmers of the village accepted the access of vermicompost. Yet, farmers are dependent on chemical fertilizers, herbicides and pesticides.  
In addition to it, villagers confirmed that weeds are now growing faster which usually surpasses the paddy crops and uncommon weeds have now become common. “I have been observing new varieties of weeds for last couple of years that never witnessed in past,” added Safaruddi. Pests also damage the crops seriously. Sakina Bibi a woman farmer of Balkod  village said that paddy crops first turn red and then become like grasses and ended with grain less stalks after the attack of pests in the field.  A farmer who has been growing onions for last 15 years said that a new variety of weed which he has not witnessed earlier is hampering the growth of onion for last two years. This particular weed spreads faster and covers the entire crops. Considering the labor cost of repeated weeding most of the farmers accepted to avoid frequent weeding. 
Their misfortune is not confined to the farming only rather extended to livestock also. Lack of green pasture, paddy husk and water coupled with rise in temperature are affected animal adversely. Milk yields have also went down drastically. Farmers insist that it has reduced to one fourth. Animals are dying due to new and uncommon diseases. Sakina Bibi of Gorsoti village said that around 45 goats had died last month in a single day in this village while Mohammad Hakim, another resident of the village claimed that hens were dying in large number. He had dozens of hens last month but all succumbed to diseases gradually.
Farmers in this region are also completely devoid of access to credit and insurance facilities. Not a single farmer in the area possesses Kisan Credit Card. Extension and support services are severely restricted as only one farmer said that he was in touch with Kisan Salahkar.
Farmers who are still farming despite the adverse condition where deficit rainfall, reduction in number of rainy days and drought like situation are prevalent, have tried different adaptation practices to sustain their farm production. They grow Kurthi in high land area, practice mixed cropping like mustered and linseed (tisi) with wheat, lentil with paddy crops. Khalil Miyan, a resident of Tilkasar villages said that he had grown linseed instead of wheat after harvesting the paddy crops. Linseed yields 1.5 quintal per acre. Important, factor with linseed is that it needs less water and animal avoid destroying this crop too.  He, however, denied adopting same practice this year due to complete avoidance of rainfall. While, some farmers prefer to sow short duration paddy crops, which they harvest in early October.
People demanded for urgent intervention of the government to improve the irrigation system in this area which might include establishing government tube wells, renovation of local water bodies, and to establish water harvesting system. Extension and support services need to be enhanced to reach the every people of the village. Farmers are also less informed about the government run schemes and programmes. Nonetheless, rising resentment against the ‘system’ due to lackadaisical approach of government officials and village Pradhan must be taken care off seriously.  

(This story is based on author’s interaction with more than 40 farmers of Balkod, Gorsoti, and Tilkasar villages under Jamui district. )

Bandh –A Reality check


First time after liberalization country witnessed almost total bandh which gained massive support from public. Deserted streets, closed markets, people confined to their homes all speak the success story of the bandh. This bandh was manifestation of public anger towards the price hike.

Importance of bandh could be gauged from couple of things. Voluntarily and spontaneous participation of the people expresses seriousness of the issue. Common people of this country who used to be reluctant to any political agitation especially after liberalization were not indifferent to the bandh this time. Actually, without public support such an effective bandh was not possible. On the other hand, ideologically polar opposites, BJP and left parties came closer for the common cause. Though sates ruled by NDA and left parties witnessed near total bandh, it is vital to note here that bandh call also evoked a significant response in several non NDA, non left ruled states like Rajasthan, Maharashtra, Haryana, and Delhi.

Common man faces the worst hit of price hike. They are not able to manage their pocket. In such circumstances recent price hike of fuel product would alleviate the burden of already suffering people. Touching the nerve of common man and ill timing of price hike, opposition parties strike back to the government very firmly. Public anger against the failure of government policies to curb the price hike broke out in full swing during the bandh.

This bandh was a political need for opposition parties. They have already shown their hue and cry over this issue in the parliament. Now, it was term to protest on the streets. However, NDA and left parties strived to unite the whole opposition. But they failed to persuade the top brass of parties like RJD, BSP, LJP etc. These parties called bandh separately in their sates on another day. This actually is repetition of failure of opposition unity during the cut motion moved by BJP in budget session of the parliament.

The bandh certainly caused the inconvenience to the public by paralyzing their normal life. But it would be the misery of one day if government thinks to roll back of price hike and deregulation of price control of petroleum product. Meanwhile, ignoring the public mood government has denied to any roll back of price hike which eventually shows the apathy of government toward the plight of Aam Adami.

Honour or Dishonour

Now, the water has crossed the nose level. It is time to rethink & act. Let dishonour the killing for the sake of honour. It’s a nightmare. Multidimensional remedy is required to address the issue which includes social, political & legal aspects to way out the crisis.

Women are most vulnerable section especially in Indian society irrespective of their educational and economic background. Women’s subordination is justified by the name of stereotyped tradition and value system. We treat women like landed property in which no one can dare to encroach and men are natural guard of women. It seems, as if women have no logic & right wrong decision capacity. The brutal killing of their by own family member for the honour of society is highly condemnable.

It is quite apparent that traditions have their own significance in particular society. Inter cast marriages & marriages in same Gotra are strictly prohibited in some society. Traditions of north & south India are also different. Marriage with sister’s daughter is allowed in south but it is strictly prohibited in north India. It is also important to note that marriages of Hindus should be based only on Hindu marriage act. Our mythological scriptures have stories full of love & inter caste marriage like marriage of lord Krishna with Jamvanti, Bhima with Hidimba which were socially accepted. Lord Krishna Himself eloped His sister Subhadra to marry with Arjuna. One of the respected scripture the Vishnu-Purana mentions the marriage in same Gotra after seven generations. Hence, it needs to understand our tradition, nothing is universal. Culture is a dynamic concept.

It must be changed with time.

Caste is the reality in India. It prevails all around. Such type of so called honour killing is not confined to Khaps of Delhi, Haryana, UP and Rajasthan only. Recently the supreme court of India issued notice to centre and eight states in case related to honour killing. Numerical strength of these Khap like caste councils has their political importance also. Not a single politician of any political party came forward publicly to denounce the killer khap panchayat and their activities. Ironically some politician supported and boosted the mentality of Khaps. This is nothing but vote bank politics. Political parties have politicized the murder of Rizwanur & Soharabuddin. Why not they are opposing vehemently the killing abetted by these caste councils? They are not making hue & cry over the issue as it will loose the compact vote bank of any particular caste.

At legal front, fast track courts should be established for quick justice & culprit should be punished immediately to check further deterioration.

The so-called honour killing is a humanitarian disaster where women are raped and killed by their own family member for the sake of IZZAT. No matter who will marry to whom whether out side the caste or inside the gotra, these insane brutal activities must be forcefully checked. Otherwise, these caste councils would take the shape of local Taliban and start the moral policing.