Indo-Nepal Human Trafficking Post Earthquake Perspective; Concerns and Challenges

As Nepal begins to recover from its deadliest disaster, the country’s youngest survivors are now at a higher risk for another calamity of getting sucked into the human trafficking trade. The two earthquakes that rocked Nepal on April 25 and May 12, 2015 killed over 8,500 people and caused extensive loss to swathes of countryside in Bihar, Uttar Pradesh, and Bengal that borders Nepal.1 According to the Nepal government, the tiny Himalayan country stares at losses estimated at about 10 billion US dollar— nearly half of its gross domestic product of 19.64 billion US dollar.2 The United Nations estimates that 2.8 million people have been displaced after the earthquake and its aftershocks flattened their homes.3 Women have been disproportionately affected by disasters and the social breakdown that accompanies calamities has made them vulnerable to sexual abuse. Children need more than just material and physical relief after such an event. Confronted with scenes of destruction and death, many children have developed post-traumatic stress disorder. Left untreated, they could be prone to lasting psychological damage and emotional distress.

Human trafficking is reportedly rising post earthquake along the India-Nepal border and unsuspecting Nepalese minors are being sold in various big cities of India under the pretext of providing jobs.4 Traffickers often pose as recruiters, offering non-existent jobs to desperate young women and girls, whose plight has become worse after the earthquake. Where promise of jobs doesn’t work, fake marriage proposals are floated to entice young girls and their parents and ultimately force them in the flesh trade.5 Children who lost their parents and children of parents who have lost their jobs in the disasters are prone to this bait of traffickers. Similar fears reportedly came true after the 2013 floods in Uttarakhand and to date there are no reports on what happened to those children who lost their families.6 Several internal human trafficking cases were reported after natural tragedies in recent years, including the 2001 Bhuj earthquake, the 2004 tsunami and the 2008 Kosi floods.7

Increased Risks of Trafficking
Around 15,000 girls from Nepal are trafficked for sex trade in Asian countries each year, according to a UN estimate. Violence against women is also a real and present danger. The United Nations Population Fund (UNFP) claims that more than 28,000 women may be at risk of gender-based violence in the aftermath of the earthquake.8 There are now fears that camps for those displaced by the earthquake are being targeted.
The problem of trafficking is sadly not new in Nepal. A UNICEF report found the number of women and children trafficked in year 2014 had risen by 60 per cent, compared to the previous year.9 US Department of State has classified Nepal as a Tier 2 country, meaning the government does not fully comply with the minimum standards of Trafficking Victims Protection Act’s (TVPA) but is making significant efforts to do so.10 The Nepal Government had banned children below 16 years of age from travelling outside their home district without a parent or other adult approved by the district child welfare board in May 2015.11 However, its impact is doubtful particularly when the traffickers are mostly known and are in relation to the victims.

Risk of Child Marriage after Nepal Quake
The massive earthquake in Nepal has also raises chances of spurt in child marriages as a disguise for the trafficking. According to CREHPA, a Nepalese group, which campaigns against child marriage, since there is risk of sexual assault on girls living in tents in Kathmandu after the quake, the families would be encouraged to marry off their daughters.12 Girls also may be married off because their parents have been killed, their families can no longer afford to keep them in school or because their schools were destroyed.More than 200 schools have been destroyed.13 Nepal already has a high level of child marriage with one in 10 girls married by the age of 15 and four in 10 before their 18th birthday, according to UN estimates. The rate is particularly high (75 percent) in the southern Terai region bordering India. Child marriage in Nepal is driven mostly by poverty and parents’ desire to protect girls but is aggravated by the dowry system. The older a girl gets the more dowry parents have to pay for her. Poor families marry off girls young so they don’t have to pay a high dowry.14

Cross Border Scenario
The border between India and Nepal is 1,088 miles (1,751Km) long and only lightly patrolled.15 The mountainous portions of the Indo-Nepal boundary lie in Sikkim State and Darjeeling district of West Bengal in the east, while rest of the boundary runs along the plains in the south and along the Mahakali River in the west.  Three India states namely Uttarakhand, Uttar Pradesh and Bihar share the porous boundary in plains. Nepal-India border is unique in the world in the sense that people of both the countries can cross it from any point, despite the existence of border check posts at several locations. There are 22 check posts meant for carrying out bilateral trade. As the entire length of the border except the check posts is largely unmanned by police or paramilitary or military forces of either country, illegal movement of goods and people is common feature on both sides of the India-Nepal border.16 Nepali women and girls are subjected to sex trafficking in Nepal, India, the Middle East, China, Malaysia, Hong Kong, South Korea, and Sweden. Nepali men, women, and children are subjected to forced labor in Nepal, India, the Middle East, China, Malaysia, South Korea, Israel, and the United States in construction.17

South Asia, with India at its centre, is the fastest-growing and second-largest region for human trafficking in the world, after East Asia, according to the United Nations Office for Drugs and Crime (UNODC). Over 1.5 Lakh people are known to be trafficked with in South Asia every year, but the trade is conducted underground and the real figure is likely to be much higher.18  Thousands of young girls are trafficked in India alone, including many from Nepal, and sold into forced marriage, bonded work as a prostitute or as a maid or paid for their organs.

It is not an easy task to watch over and control thousand kilometre open border between Nepal and India. Though police posts are established at limited and important entry points for border security, policing the entire border is out of question. There are many roads that can be used to avoid the police posts at the entry points.  However, trafficking also takes place with impunity at the places where police posts already exist. The traffickers take advantage of disorganized open border and traffic thousands of girls into India. Being brought over through overland routes, girls are being trafficked through aerial route to India. Nepal prohibits women under age 30 migrating to Gulf countries for domestic work, the traffickers have started to take these women to India by road and then sent to various Gulf countries by air.

Human trafficking across the Indo-Nepal border is a serious concern. Estimates of Nepalese being trafficked into India vary from one to two lakh.19 Human Rights Watch (2005) estimated that 6,000-10,000 Nepalese are trafficked into India annually. 70 percent of trafficked victims, most of them under 16, come from ethnic minority groups (e.g., Tamang, Gurung, Magar and Sherpa) who live in remote mountain villages or poor border communities. Trafficked victims are sold to brokers for amounts as small as Nepali Rs. 200 who then deliver them to Indian brothels for amounts ranging from Rs. 16 to 40 thousand. India is also a transit country for Nepalese and Bangladeshi women trafficked to Pakistan, Western Asia, and the Middle East and for women trafficked from the Russian Federation to Thailand.20

Current Scenario at Indo Nepal Border
As per UNICEF, at least 245 children have been intercepted from being trafficked and unnecessarily or illegally placed in children’s care homes since the first earthquake hit Nepal almost two months ago.21 The recent spike in migration from Nepal to Indian states bordering the Himalayan country is suspected to be the outcome of human trafficking. Large number of trafficked girls and children from Nepal were rescued in Delhi airport while fleeing to Dubai.22 According to the Sashastra Seema Bal (SSB), mandated to guard Indo-Nepal frontier and collect intelligence on suspicious activities, a large number of victims were stopped along the Raxaul and Jogbani border in Bihar, Rupaidiha and Maharajganj in Uttar Pradesh and Jhulaghat in Uttarakhand. 

Trafficking incidents started to rise within a week after the quake. In Bihar the situation worsened after the earthquakes. The Indo-Nepal border at Raxaul has become a vulnerable point in the present situation as just everyone wants to flee Nepal right now. This has increased risks of the fleeing population of quake victims falling into the nets of human trafficking. Close to one lakh Indian nationals have returned from Nepal through the India-Nepal border post at Raxaul in a month after earthquake. The workers from poor villages in Bihar who were laid off after the earthquake were lured by traffickers and were convinced to allow their children, between the ages of 8-14, to travel with the traffickers, who promised to give them well-paid jobs in comfortable conditions. Some of these children (28) were rescued in May this year from a garment factory in Ludhiana. They were being paid around 150 rupees a week to stitch T-shirts. The Nepalese children had come to India around two weeks before the earthquake.23 Authorities in Bihar had also rescued around 20 children from a Mumbai-bound express train at Raxaul railway station on May 23rd.24 According to media report SSB officials said that arrested trafficker revealed during interrogation that parents of some of the rescued children were working as labourers in Nepal but after the Nepal disaster, they became jobless and vulnerable to the lure of money and persuasive powers of middlemen engaged by the trafficking racket. SSB had rescued over 250 children and women from trafficking gangs since 2013. All border out posts of the SSB have been sounded alert to keep an eye open for human traffickers after the Nepal quake.25

 In Uttar Pradesh in the last one and half months, over 500 boys and girls from Nepal have been brought to India by human traffickers on this side of Indo-Nepal border and were sent to  Delhi and Mumbai. Maximum trafficking has been done from Bahraich which has 110 km of open border between Uttar Pradesh and Nepal. These human traffickers were almost dormant for the last three years because of the vigilant central and state intelligence agencies but returned to business after April 25 earthquakes in Nepal.26 

Sudden spurt in migration to Uttarakhand presents heightened risk of trafficking. Major transit points in Uttarakhand are Banbasa, Dharchula and Jhulaghat. According to the Uttarakhand Police, the anti-human trafficking cells have been opened to check the trafficking, which increased after the devastating earthquake that hit the country last month. Banbasa police (Champawat district) has also activated its anti-human trafficking cell and regularly runs an awareness campaign at Banbasa border post with Nepal.27

Gaps in policy framework
India’s human trafficking laws and efforts have historically focused nearly exclusively on trafficking for sexual exploitation purposes despite the fact that the majority of human trafficking in India is for the purpose of forced labour. India’s laws do not explicitly recognize and penalize all forms of trafficking to the extent required by the UN Trafficking Protocol. The definition of human trafficking contained in the now-amended Section 370 of the Indian Penal Code excludes forced labour from its definition. As a result, such conduct is not covered by Section 370’s trafficking prohibition. Other existing laws on forced labour in India do not adequately address the intricate problems involved in the trafficking of persons for the purpose of labour. Furthermore, the Amendment Act reformed Section 370 to punish those who engage victims of sex trafficking, yet it did not similarly criminalize the acts of those who engage victims of labour trafficking.28

India is also confronting with challenges to rehabilitate the trafficked victim. There is lack of adequate policy and institutional framework to provide an effective system for the safety, recovery and compensation of human trafficking victims as required by the UN Trafficking Protocol. Compensation systems are necessary to provide trafficking victims with the economic resources and protection to avoid being re-trafficked, the financial resources to afford psychological recovery services, and the means to reintegrate into society. Rehabilitations schemes mostly focus on sex trafficking and not trafficking for other purposes like labour.
Weak enforcement machinery and inordinate delay in justice delivery helps the traffickers to recruit or re-traffic women and children from the districts and send them to distant destinations with relative easily. Rare conviction of the real traffickers  encourages the operators of the trade to continue the lucrative trade and earn huge margins without any investment. Moreover, unwillingness of the victims to seek legal redress due to absence of support from the police and the community members is also contributing to the spread of this crime.29
The Immoral Traffic (Prevention) Act, 1956 (ITPA), is the most important legislative instrument for the prevention and combat of trafficking in human beings in India. However, till date, its key object has been to prevent traffic in women and girls with the intention to force them into prostitution. The provisions of ITPA criminalize the persons who procure, traffic and profit from the trade but fail to provide a clear definition of ‘trafficking’ per se in human beings. However, the Act has been criticized on various accounts. It provides a measly amount of Rs. 20,000 as compensation to the victim. This meager amount act as neither a deterrent nor it provides for rehabilitation of the victim. There is a grave danger of the rescued persons falling back into the traps of the traffickers. Also, the punishment provided to the trafficker under Section 3 of the Act is only three years. Such punishment does not act as a deterrent to offenders. There have been very few instances of conviction under the Act indicating its failure in curbing trafficking. The Act only criminalizes trafficking but ignores other aspects of trafficking.30

Nepal prohibits many, but not all, forms of trafficking in persons through the 2007 Human Trafficking Transportation (Control) Act and the 2008 regulation. While the HTTCA criminalizes slavery, bonded labor, and the buying and selling of a person, it does not criminalize the recruitment, transportation, harboring, or receipt of persons by force, fraud, or coercion for the purpose of forced labor. It criminalizes forced prostitution but in a departure from the 2000 UN Trafficking Protocol does not consider the prostitution of children as a form of trafficking absent force, fraud, or coercion. The law also criminalizes facilitating prostitution and removal of human organs. Prescribed penalties range from 10 to 20 years’ imprisonment, which are sufficiently stringent and commensurate with those prescribed for other serious crimes, such as rape.31

Challenges in Indo-Nepal Cross Border Trafficking
India and Nepal, tier 2 countries according to US Department of States, are source, destination, and transit country for human trafficking. The poor compliance with international protocol and domestic laws coupled with weak enforcement machinery, inordinate delay in justice delivery and low conviction rates encourage the traffickers to continue the lucrative trades in both countries. With a business of 32 billion US Dollar annually, human trafficking emerged as a fastest growing criminal industry worldwide. Open and porous borders within the region have eased trade, but they also pose a challenge in detecting, identifying and reporting incidents of human trafficking. The effective mechanism to share the information is crucial to effective and timely rescue. Cross-border human trafficking brings with it the additional challenge in repatriating the victims. On numerous occasions, victims are rescued, but due to lengthy legal and bureaucratic procedures it can take years for the victim to be repatriated to their home country.32 India currently does not comply with the UN Trafficking Protocol’s recommendations for migration issues arising from the trafficking of persons. Cross-national victims of human trafficking are treated as violators and not as victims.33

Identification of traffickers and the trafficked victim is one of the toughest tasks in case of Indo-Nepal trafficking. Traffickers are usually known to the victims and identify themselves as their family member. Traffickers often manage voter’s identity card on both sides of boundary and easily camouflage them as citizens. Often traffickers have no idea whom he/she is going to hand over the victim.34

Way Forward 
Social inclusion and re-integration are the most important part of the whole system to prevent trafficking. Social inclusion should be seen not only as a way to prevent further victimization of the trafficked person, but also as a preventive measure against re-trafficking. It is, therefore, special focus is needed on social inclusion of trafficked person. The trafficked victim must have access to financial services and social security schemes. Providing financial support and making them economically independent are important for financial inclusion. Access to legal services and legal aid are denied to the trafficked victims. SOPs and protocols are not often followed in rescue operation, investigation and home verifications. It results in re-victimization of trafficked persons.  SOPs are usually in the form of Central advisory to the State Governments which are not implemented. SOPs are not notified by State Governments. Ministry of Home Affairs 2009 directives to use SOPs is nonbinding to state officials. There is need to adhere strictly with uniform Standard Operating Procedure and protocols.

References:


1.     http://www.hindustantimes.com/india-news/rescue-of-children-from-india-nepal-border-confirms-post-earthquake-trafficking-fears/article1-1350798.aspx
2.     http://data.worldbank.org/country/nepal
3.     http://qz.com/431350/10-charts-that-capture-how-nepal-is-struggling-to-survive-after-the-earthquake/
4.     http://indiatoday.intoday.in/story/nepal-earthquake-sex-traffickers-india-nepal-border/1/445525.html
5.     http://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/asia/women-and-children-in-nepal-at-risk-of-sex-trafficking-after-earthquake-campaigners-warn-10238306.html
6.     http://www.hindustantimes.com/india-news/rescue-of-children-from-india-nepal-border-confirms-post-earthquake-trafficking-fears/article1-1350798.aspx
7.     http://www.livemint.com/Politics/pH6yeE2kKjiesjnpTOuIJK/States-bordering-Nepal-looking-to-curb-human-trafficking-pos.html
8.     http://www.ekantipur.com/2015/05/29/top-story/quake-increased-human-trafficking-risk-maiti-nepal/405866.html
9.     http://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/asia/women-and-children-in-nepal-at-risk-of-sex-trafficking-after-earthquake-camp
10.  http://www.state.gov/j/tip/rls/tiprpt/2014/226649.htm
11.  http://www.firstpost.com/world/nepal-earthquake-237-rescued-children-go-missing-raising-concerns-of-trafficking-2302026.html
12.  http://in.reuters.com/article/2015/05/19/quake-nepal-childmarriage-idINKBN0O428F20150519
13.  http://www.firstpost.com/world/nepal-earthquake-237-rescued-children-go-missing-raising-concerns-of-trafficking-2302026.html
14.  http://www.trust.org/item/20150519172258-npr6/?source=fiOtherNews3
15.  http://www.theguardian.com/world/2015/may/25/india-rescues-children-traffickers-exploiting-nepal-earthquake-aftermath
16.  http://www.nepaldemocracy.org/documents/treaties_agreements/nep_india_open_border.htm
17.  Trafficking in Person Report 2014 accessed on  http://nepal.usembassy.gov/recent-reports-on-nepal2/2014-trafficking-in-persons-report.html
18.  http://in.reuters.com/article/2013/07/05/uttarakhand-floods-women-children-traffi-idINDEE96402V20130705
19.  Mukherji KK, Muherjee S. Girls and women in prostitution in India. Department of Women and Child Development, New Delhi, India; 2007.
20.  http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC2569945/
21.  http://www.unicef.org/media/media_82328.html
22.  http://northgazette.com/news/2015/07/29/cops-bust-human-trafficking-racket-delhi-airport-21-nepalese-girls-rescued/
23.  http://www.theguardian.com/world/2015/may/25/india-rescues-children-traffickers-exploiting-nepal-earthquake-aftermath
24.  http://www.hindustantimes.com/india-news/rescue-of-children-from-india-nepal-border-confirms-post-earthquake-trafficking-fears/article1-1350798.aspx
25.  Ibid 17
26.  http://indiatoday.intoday.in/story/nepal-earthquake-sex-traffickers-india-nepal-border/1/445525.html
27.  http://www.tribuneindia.com/news/uttarakhand/special-unit-to-check-human-trafficking/88653.html
28.  India’s Human Trafficking Laws and Policies and the UN Trafficking Protocol: Achieving Clarity, Policy Brief Feb 2015  by Dipika Jain,Jindal Global Law Schol, Sital Kalantry , University of Chicago Law School, Elezabeth Brundige, Cornell Law School  
29.  Human Trafficking in India: A Study by R.H. Waghamode , J. L. Kalyan and S. S. Angadi published in a international journal- Research Direction ,Vol 1 Issue VII Jan 2014
30.  Combating Human Trafficking: A Legal Perspective with Special Reference to India by Eira Mishra
31.  Trafficking in Person Report 2014 by US Department of State
32.  https://www.unodc.org/southasia//frontpage/2014/July/south-asia_-unodc-initiates-regional-cooperation-projects-to-address-human-trafficking-across-borders.html
33.  India’s Human Trafficking Laws and Policies and the UN Trafficking Protocol: Achieving Clarity, Policy Brief Feb 2015  by Dipika Jain,Jindal Global Law Schol, Sital Kalantry , University of Chicago Law School, Elezabeth Brundige, Cornell Law School  
34.  JA Arya Sub Area organizer SSB, Banbasa addressing the consultation on cross Border Trafficking organized PAIRVI on 22nd June 2015



Domicile Policy of Jharkhand; More Political than Legal Debate



Jharkhand has been witnessing the one of the most central debates since its inception over a decade and half. The debate over the domicile policy of Jharkhand has its roots since the struggle for a separate state which is deeply rooted with social fabrics of the state. It escalates the social divide of insiders and outsiders in the state. The first Chief Minister of Jharkhand, Babu Lal Marandi, during the National Democratic Alliance’s (NDA) rule, in September 2001, introduced the state’s domicile policy. The state, then, turned into turmoil and he had to resign in its aftermath.  Since then every government in power tried to introduce the domicile policy but due to lack of political consensus couldn’t succeed. With new BJP government in power the issue has resurfaced once again. Chief Minister, Raghubar Das had started consultation process with different stakeholders in the state including political parties, experts, activists and civil society organizations. The CM assured to ensure the policy in place within couple of months. Jharkhand, Chhattisgarh and Uttarakhand were made by respective state reorganization acts.  They are identical to each other and got no reference for a domicile policy. The state's policy related to domicile status is a policy matter and heavily influenced by local politics. 

Issues of controversy
The recent debate arises out of the cutoff date for being the permanent resident of the state.  In 2001, during the National Democratic Alliance’s (NDA) rule, the state’s domicile policy held that only tribals holding land records of 1932 would be considered as permanent resident of Jharkhand and would be given preference in government jobs. It was challenged in and was struck down by the Jharkhand High Court in 2002. The idea of domicile based on land records is problematic and counterproductive. It does not incorporate the landless population and many tribal groups such as the Pahariyas of the Rajmahal hills who do not own land. Others will also lose their domicile considering the absence of land records and landownership. Different political parties suggest different criteria. The Jharkhand Dishom Party insists on local language and residence in the state for a long time while Jharkhand Bachao Andolan suggested that name in census of 1952 should be given the preference. While some suggests the date of inception of state as the cutoff date for domicile while other argued that at least 15 years before the creation of state should be the minimum cutoff date.

Social divide
The divide between insiders and outsiders and the criteria which makes one an insider or an outsider is the crux of the controversy.  Jharkhand is considered to be the residence of local indigenous tribal people. They are claimed to be the original inhabitants and believed as moolvaasi of Jharkhand.  Tribal led the Jharkhand movement. Over centuries, 'outsiders' have oppressed the native population. In the last two centuries, the exploitation of mineral, forest and human resources of the region have com-pounded the oppression. The immense mineral wealth of Jharkhand has been used by outsiders without adequate compensation to the people of the region.[1] The proponent of the internal colonialism argued that internal migration in the background of unequal development created the problem of internal colonialism which is clearly manifested in Jharkhand. [2] Founder of Jharkhand Movement Jaipal Singh, throughout his life maintained that tribe-non-tribe division was a census manipulation and 90 percent of the people of Jharkhand would be adivasis. Tribals have been historically oppressed and denied their rights. Outsiders have been usurping the job opportunities for long time.  When major industries were built in Jharkhand large number of outsiders primarily from north Bihar received jobs. Though they too were from the same state, the neighboring locals were overlooked. Out of a total of 4,284 employees in the Heavy Engineering Corporation, at Ranchi, there were only 335 tribals (Sharma 1990: 285).When in 1971 coal mines were nationalized and job conditions were sure to improve, in a single week thousands of telegrams were sent from Dhanbad district to Ara, Balia, and  Chhapra informing that jobs were available. It was believed that 50, 000 Jharkhandis lost their jobs at this point of time[3]. Tribal must be given their due to cope with historical injustice and discrimination.
There is another view also. Proponent of constructivist model contrary argued that tribal-non-tribal dichotomy is unreal and Jharkhand society is non-homogenous and dynamic. More than 70 percent of the people living in the Jharkhand are outsiders considering that tribal population constitutes 26.2 percent of its population according to the Census 2011. Well before the coal mines came up in Jharkhand in early 20th century non tribal families had migrated to the Jharkhand. Moving to India during Partition in 1947, about 2,000 Hindu and Sikh families had settled in Jharkhand.[4] According to the 1961 Census in Jharkhand, the number of Bhojpuri and Maithili speaking people were 1, 13,000 and 16,000, respectively[5]. In the 19th century when Jharkhand was a part of Bengal large number of Bengali speaking had migrated to the Jharkhand. Demography of Jharkhand, thus, makes the state dynamic and insider and outsider divide unreal.

Legal provisions
The concept denotes "the place of living", or more precisely a permanent residence. Domicile "is the legal relationship between an individual and a territory with a distinctive legal system which invokes that system as his personal law." Although the notion which lies behind the concept of domicile is of "permanent residence" or a "permanent home", yet domicile is primarily a legal concept for the purposes of determining what is the "personal law" applicable to an individual and therefore, even if an individual has no permanent residence or permanent home, even then he is invested with a "domicile" albeit by law or implication of law[6]

There are three main categories or classes of domicile, A) Domicile of Origin, B) Domicile of Choice, C) Domicile by law. The "domicile of origin" is what is attached to person by birth whereas the domicile of choice is what is acquired by residence in a territory subject to a distinctive legal system with the intention to reside there permanently or indefinitely. The third category of domicile would be "Domicile by operation of law". Uttarakhand High Court in Naina Saini case in 2010 revisited the law relating to domicile of a person to declare that there is no separate domicile for each State and there is only one domicile for the entire country.  Earlier in Pradeep Jain case in 1984 Supreme Court declared that Article 5 of the Constitution is clear and explicit on this point and it refers only to one domicile, namely, "domicile in the territory of India.[7] Jharkhand state was formed in November 2000. The new government reasoned that the 1982 Circular of Bihar government was still in force in Jharkhand and they need not formulate another domicile policy for initiating affirmative action. Its notification was reissued in September 2001 changing the state name which defines a local person on the basis of the last survey of the land record and they would be given preference in class 3 and 4 government jobs. This notification was challenged in Jharkhand High Court and in famous Prashant Vidyarth case in 2002 the High Court unanimously struck down the notification of the Jharkhand government — adopted from a Bihar government circular. —The five-judge bench said that the definition of a local resident should not be the length of time he has lived in the state but preference in jobs should also be given to those who held similar qualifications. [8] High Court made it clear that under certain provisions of the Constitution affirmative action, even on the basis of residence, is allowed. The bench rejected the Jharkhand government orders because of several technical lacunae, particularly in the definition of the term “local resident”. [9]

While in August 2012, the Nainital High Court had declared that the legitimate cut-off date should be the date of formation of the new state; any person living in Uttarakhand since the day when the state was formed was entitled to get domicile certificate. The order was challenged and on 25 May 2013 a judicial bench of the high court changed the cut-off date to 1985, exactly 15 years before the date of formation of the state. In the appeal that followed in March 2014, the Supreme Court upheld this decision of the judicial bench, thus creating a landmark judgment for domicile policy within India. Drawing distinction between simple and permanent residence, the courts mandated 15 years previous to state formation as another requirement for getting domicile status. These judgments of Ranchi and Nainital high courts and the Supreme Court dispel the popular notion that local domicile concept is fallacious in India because every citizen has the right to move freely, reside, and settle in any part of the country but  domicile status can be used to grant a privilege only if there is some justifiable context.[10].

Way forward
It is clear from the fact that tribal in the state have been facing the historical discrimination and in justice. They must be given their due. Jharkhand is a multi-cultural dynamic society. The non-tribal residents constitutes the nearly three-fourth of the state and they have also contributed equally in the development of the state. Citizenship and local domicile status are two different things. The domicile status is meant to provide the affirmative action for local resident particularly in government jobs etc. Domicile policy must be designed to give the preferences for tribals but at the same time it should not be exclusionary in nature. The cutoff date for being the permanent resident of the state should be inclusive in nature so that it can assimilate the heterogeneous character of the state.  The people living from decade and more shouldn’t be deprived off their rights. Domicile issue has created a divide among the society. Who is the original resident of Jharkhand is quite a difficult question. Since Jharkhand was part of Bihar, large numbers of people from Bihar have migrated to the different part of Jharkhand in search of livelihood. Migration was the means to generate the livelihood. Prior to the nationalization of coal field tribal were reluctant to work in coal filed and had migrated to the Assam. Resident of Bihar particularly from Ara and Shahabad had migrated as indentured labour but resident of Jharkhand didn’t move up. Santhal have originally migrated from West Bengal and Mahatos came from Bihar to counter the Pahariyas of Rajmahal.[11]  The non-tribal residents of Jharkhand have contributed to building up of the state and they are also living in dismal condition.  Their situations must be looked into.  Domicile policy and employment policy are two separate things and should be defined separately. Considering the historical discrimination and deprivation, affirmative action should be taken in favour of tribals even on the ground of residence and they must be given preference and privilege in government jobs particularly in class three and four groups. However, domicile policy should be transparent, measurable, and inclusive rather than exclusionary in nature. The cutoff date should not be arbitrary and must be stand with judicial scrutiny.


[1]  Jharkhand Aborted Once Again – Arvind N Dan, EPW 7 November 1998.
[2] A. K. Roy, Jharkhand: Internal Colonialism,  Ram Dayal Munda and S. Bosu Mullick (eds.), Jharkhand Movement: Indigenous Peoples,  Struggle for Autonomy in India, Copenhagen/Jharkhand: IWGIA and BIRSA, 2003, pp. 79-85
[3] Through the looking glass; Domicile Debate of Jharkhand By  Nirmala Sengupta,  EPW November 7 2014 
[4] Ibid 3
[5] Ibid3
[6] http://legalperspectives.blogspot.in/2010/08/only-one-domicile-for-entire-india-high.html
[7] http://legalperspectives.blogspot.in/2010/08/only-one-domicile-for-entire-india-high.html
[8] http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/patna/Jharkhand-domicile-order-set-aside/articleshow/29610427.cms
[9] Through the looking glass; Domicile Debate of Jharkhand By  Nirmala Sengupta,  EPW November 7 2014 
[10] Ibid9
[11] Prof Harishwar Dayal , Indian Institute of Human Development, speech in a discussion on Domicile Policy of Jharkhand organized by PAIRVI at Ranchi on 28th April 2015

ज़मीन अधिग्रहण आखि़र किसके लिए?

केंद्र सरकार भूमि अधिग्रहण अध्यादेश को तीसरी बार लाने की तैयारी में है। पहली बार सरकार ने 31 दिसंबर 2014 को अध्यादेश जारी किया था, लेकिन राज्य सभा से पास न होता देख बजट सत्र के दौरान ऊपरी सदन का सत्रावसान कर अप्रैल में दूसरी बार अध्यादेश लाया गया। मोदी सरकार इस अध्यादेश को संसद में पारित कराने का कोई भी मौक़ा नहीं छोड़ रही है। आखि़र क्या वजह है कि चारों तरफ़ से विरोध के बावजूद सरकार भूमि अधिग्रहण क़ानून में संशोधन की जि़द पर अड़ी है।

अंग्रेज़ी हुकूमत में बने 1894 के भूमि अधिग्रहण क़ानून को 120 वर्षों के बाद 2013 में बदलकर एक नया क़ानून बनाया गया। जिसे लंबे समय के विचार-विमर्श के बाद लागू किया गया था। सुमित्रा महाजन के नेतृत्व में बनी संसदीय समिति ने इस मुद्दे पर 28 सिफ़ारिशें दी थीं, जिनमें से ज़्यादातर स्वीकार कर ली गई थीं। लेकिन अब अचानक नई सरकार को इसमें ख़ामियां नज़र आने लगी हैं। एक ही झटके में एक साल के अंदर सरकार इसके मूल प्रावधानों को बदलना चाहती है जिनकी बीजेपी कभी हिमायती हुआ करती थी।

सरकार का कहना है कि 'विकास' के साथ रोज़गार के अवसर पैदा करने हैं, जिसके लिए ज़मीन ज़रूरी है। अगर सरकार के पास ज़मीन ही नहीं होगी तो नई परियोजनाऐं कैसे लागू होंगी? रोज़गार के नए अवसर कैसे मिलेंगे? तो क्या यह माना जाए कि सरकार के पास ज़मीन नहीं है। विशेष आर्थिक क्षेत्र (सेज़) पर सीएजी की 2014 में प्रस्तुत रिपोर्ट के अनुसार सेज़ के नाम पर कुल 625 स्वीकृत परियोजनाओं के अंतर्गत 60,374.76 हेक्टेयर ज़मीन आवंटित की गई है। जिसमें 45,635.63 हेक्टेयर ज़मीन पर 392 (63 प्रतिशत) परियोजनाओं को अधिसूचित किया गया है। इनमें केवल 152 (24 प्रतिशत) परियोजनाऐं ही परिचालित हैं जिसमें 28,488.63 हेक्टेयर ज़मीन का ही उपयोग हो सका है। बाक़ी बची हुई ज़मीन का उपयोग अभी तक नहीं हो पाया है। सीएजी की इस रिपोर्ट में स्पष्ट रूप से रेखांकित किया गया है कि रोज़गार के अवसर मुहैया कराने, निवेश को बढ़ावा देने, और वैष्विक व्यापार में भारत के हिस्से को बढ़ाने जैसे महत्वाकांक्षी लक्ष्यों को पाने में सेज़ विफल रहा है। सार्वजनिक उद्देश्य के नाम पर ली गई ज़़मीन में से 14 प्रतिशत ज़मीन का व्यवसायिक उपयोग हुआ। इससे सबसे ज़्यादा लाभ डेवेलपर्स और रियल स्टेट को हुआ। ओडिशा, पश्चिम बंगाल जैसे राज्यों में सेज़ के नाम पर आवंटित 90 प्रतिशत से ज़्यादा ज़मीन बेकार पड़ी है। सरकारी लैंड बैंक में लाखों एकड़ ज़मीन पड़ी है, मसलन, महाराष्ट्र में 2 लाख एकड़, मध्य प्रदेश में 30 हज़ार एकड़ आदि। सरकार पहले से ही अधिग्रहित ज़मीन का उपयोग नहीं कर पा रही है, फिर नए अधिग्रहण की क्या ज़रूरत है।

ग़ौरतलब है कि किसी भी सरकारी परियोजना के लिए ज़मीन मालिकों की सहमति और सामाजिक असर के आकलन की ज़रूरत नहीं है। तो यह मान लिया जाए कि निजी परियोजनाओं के लिए सरकार इन प्रावधानों को हटा रही है। ज़मीन के ज़रूरत से ज़्यादा और जबरन अधिग्रहण को रोकने के लिए सहमति प्रावधान का होना आवश्यक है। इस प्रक्रिया से ग्राम सभा सशक्त होती हैं। सामाजिक असर के आकलन से ज़मीन अधिग्रहण का समाज पर पड़नेवाला प्रभाव पता चलता है। देश में ऐसे लाखों लोग हैं जिनके पास ज़मीन नहीं है, पर उनकी आजीविका ज़मीन पर ही निर्भर है। ऐसे लोगों पर होनेवाले प्रभाव का अंदाज़ा सामाजिक असर के आकलन से होता है। इस प्रक्रिया से किसानों और मज़दूरों की पहचान भी सुनिश्चित होती है।

पिछले डेढ़ दशक में रियल स्टेट में भारी इज़ाफ़ा हुआ है। भारत में रियल स्टेट का व्यापार 2012 में 3.4 बिलियन अमरीकी डालर था। वर्ष 2000 - 2001 में भारतीय अर्थव्यवस्था में रियल स्टेट की हिस्सेदारी 14.7 थी जबकि 2011 - 2012 में बढ़कर 19 प्रतिशत हो गई। 2025 के अंत तक निर्माण के क्षेत्र में भारत दुनिया की तीसरी सबसे बड़ी शक्ति हो जायेगी। वहीं कृषि मंत्रालय की रिपोर्ट के मुताबकि 2007 से 2011 के बीच रियल स्टेट और उद्योगों के विकास के कारण 7,90,000 हेक्टेयर कृषि योग्य भूमि घट गई है।

खेती-किसानी के हालात इसके विपरीत हैं। पिछले दस सालों में 90 लाख लोगों ने खेती छोड़ी है। वर्ष 2000 में किसानों की संख्या 12.73 करोड़ थी जो कि 2011 में घटकर 11.87 करोड़ हो गई। वहीं कृषि मज़दूरों की संख्या 2001 में 10.68 करोड़ थी जो कि 2011 में बढ़कर 14.43 करोड़ हो गई। किसान ख़ेती छोड़कर मज़दूरी करने पर मजबूर हैं। किसानों की आत्महत्या भी रोज़मर्रा की कहानी हो गई है। हर दिन लगभग 46 किसान अपनी जान दे रहे हैं। सरकार सिंचित और उपजाऊ ज़मीन का अधिग्रहण न करने का दावा तो कर रही है लेकिन इंडस्ट्रीयल कॉरिडोर बनने में ऐसी ज़मीन का इस्तेमाल न हो यह कैसे सुनिचित हो पाएगा?

सरकार का मानना है कि इससे किसानों को फ़ायदा होगा, वास्तविक क़ीमत से चार गुणा मुआवज़ा मिलेगा। लेकिन सच्चाई यह है कि बीजेपी शासित राज्यों की सरकारें भी उपजाऊ ज़मीन का मुआवज़ा मात्र दो से ढाई गुणा ही दे रही हैं। असल में ज़मीन किसान के लिए केवल आय का साधन ही नहीं बल्कि उनके जीवन का आधार है। ऐसे में ज़मीन के बदले पैसा देने से क्या उनका जीवन सुचारू रूप से चल पायेगा? इसलिए अधिग्रहण के माध्यम से किसानों की ज़मीन लेना, लोगों के लिए भावनात्मक मुद्दा भी है।

सेज़ के अनुभव से स्पष्ट है कि सरकार ज़मीन तो अधिग्रहित कर लेती है लेकिन इससे न तो रोज़गार बढ़ पाता है और न ही निवेश। ऐसे में, यह सवाल अपनी जगह अभी भी क़ायम है कि सरकार आखि़रकार किसके हित के लिए किसानों से ज़मीन लेना चाह रही है। ज़मीन किसानों के बजाय कॉरपोरेट के हवाले करने की यह कहीं एक कवायद तो नहीं?